Britain's finance minister has approached this week's financial plan similar to a unwilling bather edging into icy water, striving to lessen the unpleasantness through incremental immersion.
Reeves began tackling the problem of limited funds near the close of the summer months. To begin with, she declined to support previous insistence that revenue hikes in last year's financial statement would be the last ones.
Then, earlier this month, she took a bolder move into the freezing waves. Her address vowed to "implement needed measures" to support government services and maintain debt expenses low.
After 10 days, the exchequer had withdrawn the implication. The manifesto commitment was upheld ultimately. Similar to any freezing-water dipper understands, this aborted plunge and quivering retreat is the least effective of all approaches. No strategy draws out the suffering like indecision.
It is hard to be decisive when choosing between degrees of self-inflicted harm.
Optimism has not been a great approach for the ruling party. Fundamental of Keir Starmer's election bid was the futile expectation of in some way fulfilling citizens' desire for enhanced government services without reversing large sums of Conservative revenue decreases.
At no point has either Starmer or the chancellor adequately conveyed a feeling of shared mission to justify all this pain. To some extent that is a problem of personality appeal. The prime minister and the chancellor are remarkably comparable in their ineffective messaging, wooden and unforthcoming in a way that repels listeners back instead of drawing them closer.
Just as public demand to invest in government services has forced the exchequer to concede that taxes must increase, the commercial requirement of improving economic expansion makes it ever harder to overlook the expense of separation from the continental trading bloc.
Officials used a year splashing in the early stages of closer ties with the EU: proposals to end customs checks on agricultural goods; a young people's exchange program. Aspiration went a bit deeper on energy, armed forces partnership, but nothing of substance has to date been signed.
Without specific instruction and impetus from No 10, negotiations are stalled. Brussels authorities says trading benefits are accessed with financial input to the EU budget. Government representatives understand that's the agreement. That doesn't make them keen for a visible argument and Nigel Farage shouting treason over any cost ends up being agreed.
Commercial conditions has provoked some adjustment in the government's rhetoric on the European question. Reeves has started identifying Brexit alongside the health emergency as a factor of financial harm that the exchequer is striving to repair. Other ministers have followed suit, although they carefully ascribe the responsibility to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "withdrawal".
The challenge of the nation's ongoing association with the EU can't be reduced to administrative modifications and customs systems when the entire international system is in constant change. Given everything that has happened since the referendum year, it feels legitimate still to be posing the core matter: were Britain's interests advanced by leaving the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable truths about Britain's position in turbulent world affairs. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves recoil from the responsibility. It would take them way out of their depth, into currents that they cannot oppose. So instead they carry on apprehensively walking the water's edge, wishing that perhaps shortly the circumstances will turn.
Lena is a passionate gamer and tech writer, specializing in indie games and hardware reviews, with years of industry experience.